Tariq Saeedi

The Central Asia Plus (CA+) format has emerged as one of the most dynamic diplomatic frameworks in recent years. What began as a modest initiative has blossomed into a diverse constellation of partnerships, with countries and regional blocs eager to engage with the five Central Asian republics—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

The Growing Family of CA+ Summits

The list of CA+ format summits and high-level dialogues reflects Central Asia’s growing strategic importance:

1. United States (C5+1) – Established in 2015 at the ministerial level, elevated to leaders’ summits in 2023 and 2025
2. China (C+C5) – First summit in May 2023, second one took place in 2025
3. Russia – Summits in October 2022 and October 2025
4. European Union – First official summit in April 2025, marking elevation to strategic partnership
5. Germany – Summits in September 2023 and September 2024
6. India – First summit in January 2022 (virtual format)
7. Japan – Inaugural summit in December 2025
8. South Korea – First leaders’ summit scheduled for 2026
9. GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) – Summit in July 2023
10. Azerbaijan – Joined as full participant in November 2025, creating a “C6” format

This impressive array of partnerships speaks to Central Asia’s strategic location, abundant natural resources, and potential as a connectivity hub between East and West, North and South.

Learning from ASEAN: A Model Worth Emulating

It’s worth noting that Central Asia’s internal cooperation structure, particularly through the Council of Heads of State, has looked carefully at ASEAN as a viable model. This is not coincidental. ASEAN’s remarkable success over more than five decades offers valuable lessons for any regional grouping.

The key to ASEAN’s longevity and effectiveness lies in its sharp focus on economic cooperation and integration while maintaining studious neutrality in political matters.

ASEAN member states have managed to build robust trade networks, investment flows, and people-to-people connections without requiring political uniformity or demanding that members choose sides in great power rivalries. The bloc has thrived precisely because it kept economics and politics in separate lanes.

Central Asia’s De Facto Neutrality

Central Asia, as a region, maintains a de facto neutrality that mirrors ASEAN’s approach in important ways.

This isn’t about fence-sitting or avoiding responsibility—it’s about pragmatic statecraft in a complex geopolitical environment. The five Central Asian nations understand that their geography and history require them to maintain constructive relations with all major powers and regional actors.

This brings us to a crucial principle that underpins the entire CA+ framework: a C+ format with one country or group cannot and should not come at the cost of relations with any other country or group. This isn’t merely diplomatic nicety—it’s the bedrock upon which the whole structure rests.

The Non-Political Nature of CA+ Formats

There is a clear internal understanding among Central Asian states that the CA+ format dynamics do not accommodate political realignment. These summits are not about choosing camps or forming military blocs. They are not about positioning against third parties or creating exclusive spheres of influence.

Instead, the CA+ format is focused squarely on joint and bilateral cooperation, partnership, and interaction in areas where collaboration genuinely benefits all parties: economy, science and technology, healthcare, agriculture, industry, research and development, education, sports, cultural exchanges, and countless other fields of human endeavor.

The beauty of this approach is its breadth.

The CA+ format is inherently open for partnership in just about any area of mutual interest—with one notable exception: it should not be used for shrinking or expanding the political space for any third countries. The moment a CA+ format becomes about geopolitical containment or exclusion, it loses its fundamental character and risks undermining the trust that makes such partnerships possible in the first place.

Safeguarding the Platform

This commentary is not to criticize any particular country or group—far from it. The multiplication of CA+ formats is, in many ways, a testament to Central Asia’s successful multi-vector foreign policy and the region’s attractiveness as a partner. Each of these partnerships brings valuable opportunities for Central Asian nations and their people.

However, it’s important to acknowledge that the CA+ platform deserves to be safeguarded against political permutations and combinations that could undermine its essential character. As great power competition intensifies globally, there will inevitably be pressures—sometimes subtle, sometimes overt—to leverage these formats for political purposes.

Central Asian nations have shown remarkable diplomatic skill in navigating these waters. They have managed to engage productively with powers that are sometimes at odds with each other, without compromising their own sovereignty or forcing others into uncomfortable positions.

This balancing act requires constant attention and clear principles.

Looking Ahead

The proliferation of CA+ formats represents an opportunity, not a threat—provided all parties respect the fundamental ground rules. — Central Asia’s willingness to engage with diverse partners should be celebrated and encouraged.

The region’s insistence on keeping these engagements focused on practical cooperation rather than political realignment should be equally respected.

As we move forward, the success of the CA+ format will depend on all participants—both Central Asian states and their partners—maintaining the discipline to keep these platforms focused on what unites rather than what divides. Economic prosperity, scientific advancement, cultural exchange, and human development are goals that everyone can support without controversy.

The CA+ format, at its best, is a platform for building bridges, not walls. It’s about expanding possibilities, not limiting them. And it’s about ensuring that Central Asia’s geographic position at the heart of Eurasia becomes a source of connection and prosperity for all, rather than a fault line for competition and conflict.

Let us hope that all parties involved will continue to approach these partnerships in the same constructive spirit that has characterized them thus far. The stakes are too high, and the potential benefits too great, to risk politicizing what should remain a practical, cooperative endeavor. /// nCa, 22 December 2025